A Report on the First Session of “Role of Youth in Good Governance” at Kinnaird College for Women with Collaboration of CCEP by Zamurrad Awan

A Report on the First Session of “Role of Youth in Good Governance” at Kinnaird College for Women with Collaboration of Centre for Civic Education Pakistan

On 24th of November 2009, the Political Science Department of Kinnaird College for Women Lahore arranged the first session on the “Role of Youth in Good Governance” with the collaboration of “Centre for Civic Education Pakistan”, which is a non-profitable organization based in Islamabad. The purpose of this session was to sensitize the youth and to make them aware of their responsibilities as a citizen of their motherland. The session was well-planned as it started with the introduction of first session in which Syeda Scherbano introduced the CCEP and its efforts in regard of awakening Youth for their role in ensuring good governance. After the brief introduction, Maria Malik gave a PowerPoint presentation on the concept of good governance and how to improve the participation of Youth in good governance.

After the presentation the guest speaker Taimur Rehman delivered an inspirational lecture on the role of youth in ensuring good governance in Pakistan. Mr Taimur Rehman is currently pursuing a Research Degree (PH.D) on the “Class Structure of Pakistan” from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) University of London, and associate with Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), Lahore School of Economics and Lahore College of Arts and Sciences as a visiting faculty of economics and international relations department. Simultaneously, he is a founding member of a music group known as Laal Band which is famous for its revolutionary songs based on social and political issues of society.

The political science department also made a play of 20 minutes with the title “is paikar-e-khaki main bher lo ma’e muhabbat-e-watan”, which was written and directed by Namrah Arooj and Sana Iqbal. The play was on the prevailing environment of social and political unrest in Pakistan which is a main cause of hopelessness in the new generation. The purpose of the play was to aware Pakistani youth about their responsibilities towards this country and the theme of the play was well-received by the audience. After the play, the Principal, Dr Bernadette L. Dean shared her views on the active participation of youth in promoting good governance. At the end, Mr. Taimur spelled out the audience with the magic of a revolutionary song “Umeed e Sahar” written by Faiz Ahmed Faiz. The format of the session kept the students involved till the end and a tremendous feedback made this program successful.

The whole programme was assisted and guided by Ms. Saira Malik (head of Political Science Department) and Ms. Zamurrad Awan. The media coverage of the event was done by Geo television and City 42 and Khabrain.
Zamurrad awan
Political Science Dept
Kinnaird College for Women Lhr

History of Indo-Pak Relation

History of Indo-Pak Relation

The year 1947 came with the partition of subcontinent in two separate independent states called India and Pakistan which is being considered pre-module by one school of thought however the other school of thought consider it instrumental. Both countries do share much of their common geographic location, and religious demographics yet the unsatisfactory relationship with each other is defined by psychological, ideological and territorial difference which resulted in numerous military conflicts and territorial disputes between them. The hostile relation started between India and Pakistan on the unequal distribution of assets, canal water dispute, and inadequate territorial division which caused serious threat to Pakistani state.

The relationship between India and Pakistan since independence has been troubled and hostile marked by wholesale communal massacres at the time of the partition of British India and three wars and innumerable minor conflicts and disputes subsequently. One critical factor in this history has been the pre-partition heritage of the two political movements that dominated the political environment in the subcontinent both before and after independence – the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League. Most of the political and social concepts that dominated the ideology and psychology of the narrow elites that controlled these two movements survived into the independence period and have not disappeared. This has been particularly true of their intensely negative perceptions of each other, which, moreover, were retained in most respects by a younger generation that otherwise rejected much of the ideology of the older elite.


The importance of this pre-partition heritage is evident in the rhetoric Indians and Pakistanis used in reference to each other a quarter-century after independence. Political literature from both sides, for instance, continues to be filled with discussions of the relevance of the “two-nation” theory, moreover the military regimes have nurtured such sentiments between India and Pakistan. Sumit Ganguly writes in his book “Conflict unending: India-Pakistan tensions since 1947”that the “images of Indian perfidy and duplicity pervaded Pakistani official publications and educational material. The popular press which failed to develop norms of dispassionate reportage and analysis, contributed to chauvinist accounts of Indian malfeasance s and Pakistan grievances.” The sentiments of hatred were further being endorsed by the people who faced brutal attitude by Indians while migrating from India to Pakistan after independence.

The ideological differences between both states before their emergence widened even after their independent stature. For centuries Hindus, have dominated the population of South Asia with a smaller but also prominent Muslim minority, concentrated in the northwest and east, areas that eventually formed the modern countries of Pakistan and Bangladesh. Many political and religious leaders of both groups have seen this religious and cultural split as a key to the dispute, especially in Kashmir, where there is a significant Muslim population living under the rule of New Delhi. Currently, Kashmir remains in a state of military occupation, and both sides continue to incite rebellions on either side of the dividing line, hoping to break off parts of the other's territory.

India and Pakistan since the very moment of their birth have grown ever further apart; and their policies both domestic and international have evolved in increasingly divergent ways. Pakistan is locked in other territorial disputes with India such as the Siachen Glacier, Kori creek and especially over the possession of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, over which India and Pakistan fought two major wars in 1948. 1965. and 1971. The third war between India and Pakistan was fought in 1971 which started from East Pakistan but after that spread to the western border. As a result, the Kashmir state again became the theater of same battles, and the old ceasefire line was upset at many points, moreover, in result of 1971 war, Pakistan lost East Pakistan which became Bangladesh. However, in Simla agreement in 1972, both states agreed to resolve their differences through bilateral negotiations or by any other peaceful means mutually agreed upon between them and in accordance with the United Nations Charter. But the tense relations between Indo-Pak continued and in 1998, India and Pakistan did their nuclear tests to display their nuclear technology. In 1999, Kargil war started in Kashmir. India with its propaganda mechanism projected Pakistan as aggressor and alleged Pakistan with promoting cross-border terrorism in Kashmir. Pakistan emphasized that Kashmir is the core issue between Indo-Pak hostile attitude and stresses that Indo-Pak relations cannot become friendly until Kashmir imbroglio is resolved. Pakistan has declared time and again that it is ready to negotiate with India any time, anywhere and at any on the issue of Kashmir. But India wanted cross border terrorism to be discussed. This was the reason for the failure of Lahore declaration and Agra summit in past.

There was an east been observed in Indo-Pak relation in the result of a ceasefire between the two countries in 2003 and fencing of the Line of Control being carried out by the Indian Army. Both India and Pakistan have launched several mutual confidence-building measures (CBMs) to ease tensions between the two. These include more high-level talks, easing visa restrictions, restarting of cricket matches between the two.

Unfortunately the peaceful environment could not work for a long time and in 2008 ten terrorist attacked on Mumbai and killed over 160 people. India blamed the Lashkar-e-Taiba, a Pakistan-based Welfare group, for planning and executing the attacks. Islamabad resisted the claims and demanded evidence which they had not been provided as such. India provided evidence in the form of interrogations, weapons, candy wrappers, Pakistani Brand Milk Packets, and telephone, sets which were not enough to accept the involvement of Pakistan in Bombay attack.

No doubt, India is recognized as a biggest democracy of the world but its hegemonic aims to get dominance in the region has troubled the relation between India and Pakistan. As India is focusing on its agreement and pacts with Israel, United States and China instead of paying head on relation with its next door neighbor Pakistan. Both countries need flexibility in their attitude by putting behind their differences, so that they could develop healthy relation which would not only consolidate their socio-economic ties but would strengthen the whole region in the long run.
Lecturer
Zamurrad Awan
Kinnaird College for Women

A Report on the Lecture of Defense Analyst Dr. Ayesha Siddiqa at Kinnaird College for Women Lahore

Lecture of Defense Analyst Dr. Ayesha Siddiqa at Kinnaird College for Women Lahore


Dr. Ayesha Siddiqa Agha is an independent security analyst and strategic affairs columnist of Pakistan. She is also a regular op-ed contributor to Dawn, and before that to Daily Times. Dr Siddiqa visited Kinnaird College for women for her lecture on Friday ,20th November 2009 and refreshed her old sweet memories as an old kcite. She delivered her lecture on “US Presence in South Asian Region” and handled the question answer session at the end. The lecture was of 40 minutes and Dr Siddiqa smartly handled this short time however the topic of her lecture was broad.
According to Dr Siddiqa, the countries built relation on the basis of their interests and US has erratic relation with South Asian region which was build during the cold war when Afghanistan played its role as a buffer state between US and USSR. Indian’s had a socialist policy during that movement. In 1958 Pakistan opted to join two arrangements CEATO and CENTO which was not liked by Muslim countries especially Egypt however Pakistan received military and financial assistance by US and made it clear to satisfy India that “weapons provided to fight would not be used against India to combat communism”. The relation between US and USSR had been affected the South Asian region. In 1962 when tension started between China and India, US was eager to help India instead of Pakistan’s unhappiness. US realized that its presence in this region means if they would help India, Pakistan will remain be unhappy and vise versa. In 1965 war Pakistan faced embargo. During 1970s India signed friendship treaty with USSR and received equipment on concessional rates. For Pakistan, US and China both are important, Pakistan is the only non-communist state to receive economic aid from US. So US contained USSR with the help of China by thinking its better to use a minor enemy against the big enemy.
After defining the history of relation between US and South Asia, Dr Siddiqa said that Amercia’s relations with this region developed gradually as there is a long geographical distance between both and the end of 1970s changed the situation when US had zero sum game with South Asian countries. In 1979, Soviet invasion in Afghanistan and Iranian revolution further reshaped the relations between US and South Asian countries. Pakistan started the training of Jihandi’s during 1970s, the last days of Bhutto’s government. The Soviet invasion in Afghanistan was to reach warm water in Pakistan but resulted in disintegration of USSR in 1990s.In 1990s, there was a new world as US happened to be the only supper power and were thinking to be the only supper power and were thinking to have a new relation with South Asian region and has started building economic and military relations and India became significant in this regard. The significant role of academia can not be neglected; who worked on India-US relation after Indra Gandhi who supported socialism in past but the new leadership propagated the capitalist state. The tension emerged between US and Pakistan. 9/11 incident was a miles tone between US/South Asia and resulted in first war in Afghanistan, second the emergence of non-state actors as a force, third the expansion of South Asia (when US joined SAARC), fourth the Bill Clinton started this strategy that we will engage in both India –Pakistan at the same time and China followed the same policy. China builds up the relation with India as they don’t want to be hostile to anyone out of both. Dr Ayesha remarked that American engagement in South Asia was build on the principles that what the other states will offer to them, but this relationship strategy can not be understand without the conspiracy theory. The important thing is that some important personals of government institutions had been caught in connection with Al-Qaeda, which shows the actual presence of Americans in this region. While concluding her lecture, Dr Siddiqa said that US can leave this region on two conditions, first if Pakistan agrees to leave and say good bye to democracy, second if Pakistan and India have bad relations.

Lecturer: Zamurrad Awan
Political Science Dept
Kinnaird College for Women Lhr

The Madrassah Challenge: Militancy and Religious Education in Pakistan by C Christine Fair

BOOK REVIEW: The madrassa puzzle in Pakistan —by Khaled Ahmed
The Madrassah Challenge: Militancy and Religious Education in Pakistan; By C Christine Fair; Vanguard Books Lahore 2009; Pp145; Price Rs 500



On the face of it, no madrassa looks either jihadi or sectarian, but research has shown that the seminarians are more narrow-minded and intolerant than the pupils of normal schools

Christine Fair served at the Centre for Conflict Analysis and Prevention of the United States Institute of Peace, and currently is a senior political scientist with the RAND Corporation. She is co-author of Fortifying Pakistan: The Role of U.S Interim Security Assistance (USIP Press, 2006).

According to an estimate in Jang (January 6, 2006), there were 11,221 religious seminaries (madrassas) in Pakistan in the year 2005. This number had grown from 6,761 in 2000. This meant that in the five years that also saw the terrorist attack of 9/11, the apostatising seminaries had almost doubled in Pakistan. There were 448 madrassas for women too.

The largest number of madrassas, 8,191, belonged to Wifaqul Madaris Arabiya, 1,952 to Tanzimul Madaris and 381 to Wifaqul Madaris Shia. The majority seminaries are Deobandi. For instance, in Punjab 444,156 pupils are Deobandi as opposed to 199,733 Barelvi, 34,253 Ahle Hadith and 7,333 Shia. The largest number of madrassas is not in Lahore but Bahawalpur, then in Lahore, in Bahawalnagar and Faisalabad.

It is accepted that South Punjab is home to the most aggressive and poisoned of all madrassas. South Punjab stretches from Jhang to Bahawalpur, dotted with madrassas that private citizens from Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait fund generously, thinking they are spreading the message of Islam. This is the region where the countryside is dominated by feudal lords with large landholdings and cities teeming with the poor masses controlled by jihadi groups.

Only in Dera Ghazi Khan, the origin of the dreaded clerics of Lal Masjid in Islamabad, there are 185 registered madrassas, of which 90 are Deobandi (with a total of 324 teachers), 84 are Barelvi (with a total of 212 teachers), six are Ahle Hadith (107 teachers) and five are Fiqh-e-Jafaria (10 teachers). Multan is the traditional base of madrassas, while Rahimyar Khan and Bahawalpur have seen their proliferation in recent years.

Together with Peshawar, Islamabad is the most vulnerable city as far as the possibility of a sudden takeover by the Taliban is concerned. Islamabad was supposed to have 80 madrassas just two years ago. Reported in Jang (June 18, 2009), the government had discovered that there were 260 madrassas in Islamabad, out of which one dozen were illegal. Some madrassas were busy spreading hatred against the armed forces of Pakistan. One Jamia Masjid Qasimiya in F-8/3 and its leader Ehsanullah Khan were warned by government to give up these activities in 15 days.

Ms Fair thinks that in some ways the madrassas in the Islamic world are the centre of a civil war of ideas. Westernised and usually affluent Muslims lack an interest in religious matters, but religious scholars, marginalised by modernisation, seek to assert their own relevance by insisting on orthodoxy. She writes: “Poor students attending madrassa find it easy to believe that the West, loyal to uncaring and aloof leaders, is responsible for their misery and that Islam as practiced in its earliest form can deliver them.”

But she is careful to point out that a study had revealed that terrorists in involved in the 1998 bombing of two US embassies in Africa, the September 11, 2001, attacks, the Bali nightclub bombing, and the London bombings in July 2005 were not madrassa graduates. The masterminds of the attacks had had university degrees. (p.5) In a survey she scans, of the 141 mujahideen in the data set, the vast majority served and died in Kashmir. Of these mujahideen, only nineteen were reportedly recruited at a madrassa—the same number recruited at a public school.

But she can’t completely absolve the madrassa of all blame. She says: “Available evidence suggests that madrassas are important sources of supply of suicide attackers in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Attacks in Afghanistan are relevant because many are attackers from madrassas in Pakistan’s tribal areas. The reasons for this are not quite clear. In the case of Afghanistan, the validity of suicide attacks as an acceptable means of warfare are contested, with many Afghans seeing them as suicide rather than a legitimate mode of waging jihad.” (p.68)

According to her the registered madrassas in Pakistan number just over 6,700. Since a Pakistani will usually accept 20,000 as the total number, one must assume that the state will have a tough time registering those that stand outside the record. One reason could be the condition of rendering annual audit account, telling the government how much money was contributed by whom.

She finds the madrassas in the following order: Wafaq-ul-Madaris Arabia Pakistan (Deobandi) founded in 1959 in Multan; Tanzeem-ul-Madaris (Barelvi) founded in 1960 in Lahore; Wafaq-ul-Madaris Salafia (Ahl-e-Hadith) founded in 1955 in Faisalabad; RabitatuI Madaris Islamiya (Jama’at-e Islami) founded in 1983 in Mansoora Lahore; and Wafaq-ul-Madaris (Shia) founded in 1959 in Lahore.

Fair also finds the terrorists better educated than the average Pakistani: “Of those thirty-three madrassa products, 27 attended a madrassa for four or fewer years, and most also attended public schools. In contrast, 82 of the 141 were very well educated by Pakistani standards, with at least a matriculation qualification tenth-grade education, in stark contrast to the average level for Pakistani males. Only 9 of the 141 had no formal education, the militants in this sample were much better educated than the average Pakistani male.” (p.69)

She finds that many madrassas refuse to accept government funding because they think the money is coming from America. She discovered it to be true as “the amount allocated to Pakistan through USAID exactly equals the funding pledged by the government to the religious sector”. (p.86)

The madrassas insisted to her that there was no evidence that their students were involved in illegal activities. She could recall that the younger brother of Hanbali, Al Qaeda’s organiser in Southeast Asia, and mastermind of the Bali blasts, was arrested along with 17 people from Malaysia, Indonesia, and Burma, and in raids on three madrassas in Karachi.

Fair writes: “I did confirm during fieldwork that substantial numbers of foreign students from Africa, Europe and the United Kingdom, the Middle East and Central, South, and Southeast Asia were at many of the madrassas visited. In fact, Jamia Banuria at SITE in Karachi still has a large foreign students’ section, and one can still visit its Website to obtain information about applying for the foreign students’ programme’.” (p.90)

Some facts are well known about the madrassa background of some jihadi leaders. For instance, the leader of Jamia Banuria, Mufti Nizamuddin Shamzai, was the patron of both Harkatul Mujahideen and Jaish-e-Muhammad and inclined more to the latter as the two bickered and split. The leader of Jaish, Maulana Masood Azhar, was his student at Jamia Banuria. So was the leader of Sipah Sahaba, Maulana Azam Tariq.

Shamzai headed many madrassas and was funded generously by Saudi Arabia. On the face of it, no madrassa looks either jihadi or sectarian, but research has shown that the seminarians are more narrow-minded and intolerant than the pupils of normal schools. *

Report on Training Workshop organized by Centre for Civic Education Pakistan written by Zamurrad awan

Report on Training Workshop organized by Centre for Civic Education Pakistan


Centre for Civic education (CCE), which is a nonprofit organization, organized a training workshop on Civic Education and Youth participation from 30th January 2009 to 26th April 2009, based on five modules held Islamabad. The workshop took place in the lecture hall of Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad. The stay for the non-resident participants of Islamabad was also arranged by CCE in the hostel of AIOU. The workshop was highly organized as hereafter the CCE reimbursed the travel and food allowances. Moreover, to make this workshop more interactive and timely, Mr.Quresh Khattak, Mr.Murtaza Noor and Ms Hafza worked efficiently under the kind supervision of Mr .Zafaraullah Khan, Executive Director of Centre for Civic Education. The workshop exclusively involved the students accompanied by their teachers from different colleges and universities. Therefore, the students were being invited from Kinnaird College for women Lahore, Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad, Peshawar University, Preston University Islamabad, Comsat College, Punjab University Lahore, Allama Iqbal Open University, and Islamic University Islamabad.
The purpose of this workshop was to sensitize students as well as the teachers regarding their positive and active role in democratic structure of Pakistan. Moreover, the objective of this training was to give them a sense of shared responsibility regarding their different role in society. Therefore, CCE organized lectures of renowned scholars, arranged activities and encouraged youth for participation through proper dialogue techniques.

The methodology through which this organization started its work was to inform, inspire and involve the youth in respective fields so that the social justice and equality which is not more then a dream for the down trodden class of our society can be ensure. To achieve this objective the interactive exercises were being arranged.

The first module was held on the development of communication skills in effective citizenship. The basic purpose was to enlighten the participants about the significance of effective communication skills for an active citizen. The 2nd module was based on civic activism, rule of law and Good Governance. The scholars who delivered their lectures on Good governance and the responsibility and role of citizens further highlighted its importance in the active citizenship.

The 3rd module was particularly addressed the most debatable issue of extremism which make the participants aware of its effects on the lives of common people. Moreover, the strategies have been discussed through which the violence can be counter. The 4th module particularly addressed Islam in contemporary world, which highlights the modern approach of Islam, so that the students get a better understanding of Islam which is not merely a religion but also a full code of conduct for living a life. The last session of this module focused on the activities which these students would organize in their own institutes after going back to their universities and colleges. It was told to them that they could take any of the topics addressed in these 5 modules to arrange a one day workshop. So that the motive to sensitize the youth of Pakistan could not stop, as the students are the real policy makers for future.

The 5th and the last module based on the citizenship in the age of Globalization, the purpose was to view the diversities and commonalities in contemporary civilization. In this last module the certificates were even distributed to the students qualified in this training workshop. The ceremony of certificate distribution took place in Sareena Hotel Islamabad.

Zamurrad Awan
Lecturer at Kinnaird College for Women, Lhr
zamurredawan@yahoo.com

Fake Video to Sabotage the Peace Agreement in Sawat by Zamurrad Awan

Questions in mind after watching such a fake video



• Does Islam allow any punishment to the women over any sin, in such an exposing way?
• Is it possible that after receiving these lashed, a women feel herself ok to get up and to move any place as has been seen in the video?
• If it really happened, didn’t the Taliban aware that they are being captured while doing such act, when we find them highly alert and organize in their all violent actions?
• The timing of sending such video is highly addressable as it was send when the peace agreement was in its way to be discussed?
• Can’t be West as a beneficiary of this video, who are already in search to prove Pakistan in respect of Islam an antagonist and fundamentalist country, where they think, there is no respect of any human lives?

Zamurrad Awan
Kinnaird College for Women, lhr
zamurredawan@yahoo.com

Gender Biased Society of Pakistan (A Case-Study of Mukhtaran Mai) by Zamurrad Awan

Gender Biased Society of Pakistan
(A Case-Study of Mukhtaran Mai)

The status of women in Pakistan varies considerably across classes, regions and the rural/urban divide due to uneven socioeconomic development and the impact of tribal, feudal and capitalist social formations on women’s lives. The Pakistani women of today enjoy a better status than most Islamic and Middle Eastern women. However, on an average,, the women’s situation vis-à-vis men is one of systematic subordination, although there have been attempts by the government and enlightened groups to elevate the status of women in Pakistani society.

Pakistani society is male dominated society where women are the centre of attention and life but this society also consider women as no more than secondary citizens which is perhaps due to the traditional; norms prevailing in the whole society. The role and status of Pakistani women in all walks of life has been highly undermined. Though over the years this scenario has changed and the awareness of woman’s abilities, her rights and her status has reached almost all parts of Pakistan which is a third world country. but this privilege of the right acknowledgment is limited as the majority of Pakistani women belong to the rural areas who work in the fields and in the industrial centre. It is a pool and virtually illiterate majority, which leads a life of physical hardship involving long hours at tedious chores for which there is neither compensation nor recognition. Most of these women bear the double burden of housework and outside work. Not only do these women have longer days than the rest of the family, but also being the last to eat, they eat less well and suffer from anemia and malnutrition.

The violence against women in Pakistan is dilemma of our society. Feminists and women’s groups in Pakistan have criticized the Pakistani government and it’s leaders for white washing the prosecution of women and typing to suppress information about their plight in the international arena. Skepticism and biased attitudes against women’s complaints of violence are common among prosecutors, police officers and medicolegal doctors in Pakistan. According to reports from 1990s, such complaints often delayed/mishandled processing and inadequate/improper investigation. The crimes against the women in Pakistan has its various forms like Sexual Abuse, Women Trafficking, Dowry abuse, Domestic Violence, Honor Killings, Marriage to Quran and many other form. After many ups and downs in the case The Lahore high court ruled on 6 June 2005 that the accused men could be released on payment of a 50,000 rupees ($840) bond. However, the men were unable to come up with the money, and remained in jail while the prosecution appealed their acquittal. Just over two weeks later, the Supreme Court intervened and suspended the acquittals of the five men as well as the eight who were acquitted at the original 2002 trial. All 14 would be retried in the Supreme Court.

The daunting step of a rural woman with an un-influential background is no doubt a source of inspiration for those women of Pakistan who never dares to break the barriers and bear the physical and mental victimization of their rights. Mukhtaran never stopped here; she was picked up by women national and international NGOs, and Human tights activist. She was nominated for many awards and souvenirs.
On 15th March 2009, Mukhtaran Mai, 37 years married to Nasir Abbas Gabol, a 30 years old police officer who was assigned to protect her as her case gained notoriety. She has been criticized for her legal marriage, when she reserved all rights regarding every decision about her life. That is totally her personal decisions, and it comes in to the personal liberty of one individual. She did lot of work for the development of her region despite of the reality that her region witnessed the cruel act of human history with her. A decent society is not easy to attain, it can only he achieved when the society has a deep sense of responsibility regarding its citizens and when the state ensure the personal privacy to its citizens. It’s the time to change the set pattern of society; in fact it’s the time to broaden our minds regarding the most sensitive issue of women rights. It’s high time now that we bear the brunt of the patriarchal mind set of our society, which make many women in relation with daughters, sisters, mothers and wives.

Lets finish the case of Mukhtaran with a thought provoking statement of an unknown writer “She’s not a feminist, she’s not an educated person, she does not have any personal politics. Yes, because of her own experience, she has an oppositional consciousness, but without really knowing why. She has a right to get along with her life”

by Zamurrad Awan
Kinnaird College for women Lhr
zamurredawan@yahoo.com

Problems of South Asian Countries by Zamurrad Awan & Yawar Hayat Shah

Problems of South Asian Countries

Pakistan
• Progressive Deterioration of Internal Security
• Terrorism/Extremism/Sectarianism
• Energy Crisis/Limited Energy Resources/High Dependency on imported Furnace Oil/Country wide Power Shortage
• Scarcity of Irrigation Water/ Water Crisis/Mega Water Reservoirs
• Food Shortage (e.g. severe flour shortage)
• Currant Account/ Trade Deficit
• Fiscal Deficit
• High indigenous and foreign debt
• Staggering Unemployment & Poverty
• Inadequate Health Facilities (e.g. High infant/maternal mortality rate)
• Exploitation of Women
• Violation of Human Rights
• No Agricultural taxation
• Droughts and famine
• Adulteration of Fertilizers
• Low growth rates in industry manufacturing and service sector
• Low per-capita income and HDI
• High Population growth rate
• High Defence Budget
• Lack of Foreign Direct Investment
• Frequent disruption of democratic governance due to military coups
• Dynastic Politics
• Absence of internal democracy in Political Parties

Bangladesh
• Frequent Military Take over
• Sharply polarized political environment
• Population Explosion
• Fail to reduce poverty
• Fail in delivery of basic services
• High illiteracy rate
• Low pace of development
India
• Human Rights Abuses
• Insufficient economic growth
• Political challenges slowing down the pace of economic development reforms
• Low per-capita income
• HIV/AIDS pandemic
• Environmental degradation
• High population rate
• Female infanticide
• Communal Violence
• Terrorist incidents
• Separationists and cessationists insurgencies (e.g. Kashmir, Mewos, Nagas, Maos)

Sri-Lanka
• Terrorist insurgency by LTTE
• 18 years old civil war
• Tension with India over Tamil issue
• Ecological Problems
Nepal
• Low per capita income
• High rate of poverty
• Bad governance
• Social injustice
• Distorted distribution f income, wealth and human capital
• Lack of social harmony


Zamurrad Awan & Yawar Hayat Shah

Responsibility of Media towards Ensuring Good Governance in Pakistan by Zamurrad Awan

Responsibility of Media towards Ensuring Good Governance in Pakistan

One of the most important elements of good governance in any country is the existence of free and impartial media which could make the access of common citizen possible to any happening or event. media consists of multifarious organizations such as Radio, Television, newspaper, web explorer, which serves as channels for a limitless range of conflicting views on virtually all issues, and which are frequently in competition with each other. In Pakistan, according to the All-Pakistan Newspaper Society (APNS), the total combined circulation figure for daily newspapers and other periodicals was 3.5 million in 1997. Print media included 424 dailies, 718 weeklies, 107 fortnightlies, and 553 monthlies. However, the Nation wide local access was established in Pakistan within one year, and by 1999 was available to 600,000 computers, 60,000 users by 3,102 Internet hosts. These figures expose the important role of media in this age of advancement. The primary role of the media is the dissemination of information, a process through which it provides the citizens of a country with information about the programs, policies and activities of the government and also serves a watchdog function.

Media is a vehicle which guarantees the free flow of information and ideas necessary for an effective functioning of a democratic society. Although media is not formally a institution of government, but it is considered as fourth institution of government machinery after legislature, executive and judiciary. As the matter of fact, media professionals are the representatives of the people but they are not been elected but they serve as an agents of the people in that they act on behalf of the people when they seek out and disseminate information on which the people need to make political judgments and other decisions that are important for their well-beings.

The case of developing countries in regard of media policy and practice is different from the developed countries. In Developing countries, the high rates of illiteracy and widespread ignorance among a majority of their populations about the most basic issues of national importance and unavailability of basic necessities does not let them analyze the routine policies of government. Thus the prevailing disorder in the developing countries demands high responsibility on the part of media to inform the citizen and to enlighten them about political, economic and social issues. It also has a responsibility to subject government policies, programs and activities in to scrutiny and to expose corruption, misconduct and incompetence in government.

Unfortunately, this is often difficult for many leaders to do. They see any demand for accountability as a challenge to their power and authority, as an attempt to control them. They view demands for transparency as an insult to their integrity, even when they are stealing the people blind. They see the media, which embodies all of these, as a nuisance, at best, and as an enemy, at the worst. They therefore devote their resources and energies to fighting these “enemies” who seek to introduce instruments or establish institutions of accountability and transparency. All that is required is for governments and political leaders to recognize that they have a batter chance of making progress and bringing development to their countries when they expand the pool of ideas available to them by allowing effective pubic participation in the governance process.

In respect to Pakistan, the1973 Constitution provides for its citizens' fundamental rights, one of which pertains specifically to the Press, Article 19, Freedom of Speech:

Every citizen shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, and there shall be freedom of the press, subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the glory of Islam or the integrity, security or defense of Pakistan or any part thereof, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, commission of or incitement to an offense.

This particular article guarantees the freedom of expression and freedom of the press, but it also talk about the "reasonable restrictions", so that the check could be made on the given freedom of individuals as well as of organizations to avoid any encroachments of rights. The media history in Paksiatn exhibits the bitter realities that whenever the military take over the rule, media had to face certain restrictions. In 1963 the Press and Publications Ordinance (PPO) came into being containing the harshest of laws curtailing freedom of expression and the progressive development of the media and leading to the March 1969 relinquishing of power by President Ayub Khan to General Yahya Khan who imposed martial law. In 1977, General Zia ul Haq ousted Bhutto from the prime minister position and once again imposed martial law under which abuse of journalists became public rather than covert. Journalists were flogged in public at Zia's whim. Not one single law or regulation of any progressive character was created during Zia's rule. In 1988, Benaiz Bhutto as a successor of Zulfiqar ali Bhutoo became a first Women Prim Minster of Pakisatan, She brought with her a new phase of liberalism toward the mass media laws and regulations. For example, Bhutto's government allowed government-controlled radio and television to provide daily and well-balanced coverage of the speeches and statements of its opposition in news bulletins and current affairs programs. Because the print media reaches such a small percentage of the population, this change had a significant impact on the pubic, but was returned to the old, one-sided coverage after only four months because of pressure on Bhutto by her party, the Pakistan People's Party. Specifically, the Ministry of Information no longer required issuance of permits to import newsprint and allowed a free and open system of importing newsprint at market prices.

In1997, when Pakistan Muslim League (N) came in to power , Sharif used many heavy-handed methods to deal with journalists who dared to criticize his government. He put tremendous pressure on independent journalists, using both covert and overt means of retribution. In 1999: General Pervez Musharraf overthrows Sharif, suspends the constitution, and declares martial law; government agents raid the country's most influential newspaper, Jang, because it was too critical of the government. On 1^st March 2002, Pakistan electronic regulatory authority ordinance was promulgated to regulate broadcast media in Pakistan, which was further criticized as it put restrictions on the freedom of broadcast media.

Its worth mentioning here that somehow or the other, the media is somewhere neglecting its positive an effective role to inform the citizen and its now become a tool to harass the viewers regarding the particular happening or event. To expose the dead bodies, to show the blood shed to a large scale can not give the public a food of thought in fact it prevail chaos and disturbance in society. The Television channels are being high jacked by the political parties, the journalist are writing for the particular political parties, the impartiality of the media is begin effected by such policies. The Pakistan peoples party came in third time rule after the general elections 2008, and Prime Minister Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani in his first address on 25^th March 2008 to the parliament showed his willingness towards the freedom of media by declaring the Pemra ordinance null and void which was implemented in Musharaff regime to put the jinee of Media in the bottle. In this regard the role of former information Sherry Rehman can not be over looked who did not only allow media to record the regular proceedings of the parliament session but only resigned as she was not being discussed in some decisions related to her ministry. In such situation the media has an imperative role of not only the provision of quick and unbiased information but also to educate people socially and politically. The pessimist role of media being observed now a days, as electronic media isn’t reluctant to show the undressed dead bodies with blood which is no doubt a psychologically a bad effect on the minds of people. It’s the true fact that the people who watch television and who expire web belongs to every age, it is against the dignity of human being to expose violent actions resulted in the form of massive lose of lives in such a inhuman way. No developed county allow to on air such kinds of videos on media. Though the free media is one of the important element to ensure good governance but media need to be well aware of its responsibilities and it should not be allowed to disrespect humanity under the cover of freedom of expression.

Reference:

1. Owais Aslam Ali. Pakistan Press Freedom Report 2000. Available from http://www.oneworld.org.

2. Sarah Chaudhary, Voice of the Nation in Nation:Sunday plus,Vol.25,November 2007, pg 18

3. "Country Profile: Pakistan." Facts on File News Services. Available from http://www.2facts.com.

4. Jabbar, Javed, and Qazi Faez Isa. Mass Media Laws and Regulations in Pakistan and a Commentary from an Historical Perspective. Singapore: Asian Media Information & Communication Centre, 1997.

Zamurrad Awan
Lecturer
Kinnaird College for Women, Lhr
zamurredawan@yahoo.com

Women in Politics by Zamurrad AWan

Women in Politics

Pakistani society from its outset exhibits the patriarchal mind set with the dominance of male members over their women folk. The cultural obligations of Pakistani society predominantly supported the conservative elements; consequently women participation in social, economic and political spheres was substantially curtailed. Before going in to the details of women political status in Pakistan it would be worth mentioning that the women struggled for their rights even in Europe to whom we idealize in regard of liberal society. April Carter in his book “Politics of Women rights” reveals that prior to the First World War (1914-1918) women were fully involved in household work. By the end of the Second World War (1939-1945) however women role underwent a complete transformation. In 1960 the doors for the higher education were opened up for them that was the time when in Europe, women started participating in economic, social but political spheres.
The history of women participation in Pakistani politics started from the days of Pakistan movement, when these women worked day and night along with their male colleagues with the unflinching commitment and reposed full faith in their leader Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. However, their participation could not ensure them about their future in the new social and political settings of an independent state. After 1947, though the Pakistan attained its independence from the colonial rule, however, women continued to play a role that of a second fiddle to their male counter parts. After independence, in the first constituent assembly there were only two women to represent all the women of Pakistan. Paradoxically, when the second constituent assembly was constituted not even a single woman was given representation in it. Similarly, in the process of the framing of the first constitution of 1956, not a single woman got opportunity to represent the women of Pakistan. In 1956 constitution the female suffrage and right to vote for women on the general and reserved seats was accepted but the Martial law was imposed in 1958 and the first constitution was abrogated. However, under the strenuous pressure of a prominent organization ‘All Pakistan Women Association’ with other newly constituted women NGOs (Non Governmental Organizations) Muslim Family Law Ordinance was promulgated in 1961. Ulema started a massive agitation against MFLO but the ordinance was welcomed by the civil society. In 1965, Ayub Khan decided to hold national elections in which Fatima Jinnah emerged as his opponent. Ironically despite his modernist pretensions he acquired the services of certain ulema and entrusted them with the task of issuing disparaging statements against the women leadership in an Islamic state. The election results witnessed massive rigging in polls and Ayub Khan unexpectedly won the elections, though apparently he became the president but he lost the credibility. The women candidate for such a prestigious office demonstrated how active the women in Pakistan were; moreover, it infused a new lease of life among the women activists thus the struggle for their equal status was greatly re-enforced.
In 1970 elections, women participation was not only encouraged by the political parties , establishing women wings to further motivate women in polls. The political parties included the women related issue in their manifestos. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto assumed powers in 1971, who had a liberal approach towards women empowerment. During his election campaign he mobilized women section of society to come out of their houses to cast their votes. But when the constitution making assembly was formed, only three women had been included to represent the women of Pakistan. In 1973 constitution Article 25, 27, 32, 34, and 228 ensured non-discrimination on the basis of gender but unfortunately it failed to emancipate women. In parliament, 10% seats were reserved for women; all high posts of executive and political level were opened up for women. However, the number of women seats in parliament was very small in comparison to their proportion in population.
Amrita Basu in her research paper “Women Political Parties and Social Movement in South Asia” stated “the Zia regime (1977-1988) was engaged in far-reaching programs of Islamization that sought to rescind women’s rights and reduce their public visibility.” He constituted discriminatory laws against women with the full support of religious political parties in the form Hudood Ordinance, Law of Evidence, law of Qisas and Diyat, which marginalized women in social, economic and political spheres. These laws targeted the women section of society to appease the conservative mind sets in government, consequently women role was confined in every field of life. The ambivalent stance of the Political parties in Pakistan towards women empowerment marginalized them from the rest of the society. Therefore they remained dependent on male members, in matter of their participation in social, economic and political spheres. However, this regime created such circumstances which led to setting up of the women organizations like Women Action Forum, Shirkat Gah etc. These organizations subsequently played pivotal role against women policy of discrimination against women. They made oppressed women aware of their rights and provided them a platform to launch struggle against government’s biased policies.
From 1947 to 1980 the women activism remained quite marginal. In fact the women who participated in politics belonged to the political families, having male relatives already active in politics. Thus those women didn’t represent the middle and lower class women and were not motivated enough to put forward the demands of women section to the Assemblies. Because of patrilineal structure of society the women from middle class found it almost impossible to enter in politics and if few of them managed to succeed; they worked as a rubber stamp to their male counterparts in politics. The same case happened with Benazir Bhutto who was elected as a Prime Minister of Pakistan twice. She faced the Criticism of Mullahs on women leadership during her government. It’s ironical to say that she was assassinated on 27 December 2007 in Rawalpindi on the land where the people called themselves Muslims however Islam strictly condemn the women beating. This was a murder of human rights, women rights both.
In regard of women status in Politics we need to change the mind sets of society. Thought to bring a change is not easy itself and changes are not easily acceptable and mostly they face resentments but this dream can become the reality if we try to educate our society and if we present the true picture of religion by interpreting the Islamic jurisdiction over the women participation in every field whether it is economic, social or political. In this regard we need to provide equal opportunities at par with men.
Zamurrad Awan
Lecturer
Kinnaird College for Women, Lhr
zamurredawan@yahoo.com